Latest update April 23rd, 2024 12:59 AM
Jun 07, 2013 Editorial
Now that Chinese President Xi Jinping has wound up his first official visit to the Western Hemisphere after taking over the helm of the rising superpower, his actions may be analysed against the background of the official “party line”. In China, the latter description is not a figure of speech. Xi Jinping was selected as the new leader of China at the Communist Party of China’s 18th Congress held last November.
As revealed by ex-Speaker Ralph Ramkarran on his blog last week, the PPP has also retained the traditional Communist Party structure. It would be an interesting exercise to analyse how the PPP will conduct its Congress, to be held this August, as compared with the Chinese.
The latter’s 18th Congress, for instance, was preceded by charges of corruption laid against Bo Xilai, the former “princeling” of the party being descended from one of Chairman Mao’s original inner circle. As in Guyana, there have been sustained accusations of massive corruption by leaders of the party. There was also the commitment to “collective leadership” as established at the 16th Congress of 2002.
The most important document coming out of Congresses is the “Work Report” which provides policy guidance for the next five years. It is this document from the 18th Congress that we must peruse to gauge whether Xi Jinping is veering from the party line or not. The central theme permeating the Work Report was how the domestic and international foundations for China’s development as a great power would be secured.
In the arena of international relations, there were five major sub-themes, with the first one vowing to revise the relations with “Great Powers”. The Work Report called for “establishing a long term, stable, and healthy development of the new type great power relationship”. Derived from the New Security Concept proposed in 1997, the “new type of great power relationship” sought by China is one in which countries agree to respect one another’s interests, strengthen cooperation, and establish dialogue mechanisms. The “long-term stability” of this approach is premised on the US accommodating China’s interests.
The second goal was to consolidate China’s influence in its immediate periphery. The 18th Congress extended the previous call for “consolidating good neighbourly and friendly relations” and “deepening cooperation for mutual benefits.” Through the deepening of regional economic integration and trade relations, the Chinese link the growing integration of Asia, presumably under Chinese leadership, as necessary to the creation of a multi-polar world.
We can appreciate the third theme when we recollect the actions of President Xi Jinping in the Caribbean and Central America in the last week. The goal is to leverage developing nations in the promotion of reform of the new world order and is also tied in with the fourth move, which would be to also use multilateral venues for the same end. The Work Report highlighted China’s willingness to “strengthen unity and cooperation” with developing countries and “support the representation and voice of developing countries in international affairs.” It is towards the achievement of this goal that the Caricom grouping, though small in absolute terms, is punching above its weight with its 15 votes in the UN and other international fora.
The last theme indicated China’s ambitions to be treated as a global power. For the first time, a Work Report defined China as a “maritime power” with the concomitant need to “protect Chinese rights and interests in the maritime and other domains.” Towards this end, the Report very forcefully announced that China will “firmly uphold its maritime rights and interests.” Significantly, China’s leaders included this language in the section on protecting resources, signaling Beijing’s position that the maritime domain concerns developmental as much as security interests.
Overall, the report emphasised China’s determination to defend its growing array of security, sovereignty and developmental interests. This suggests the leadership will continue to promote policies aimed at defending Chinese interests abroad, primarily through participation in United Nations operations as well as activity in the space, cyberspace and maritime domains.
The emerging superpower does not appear desirous of becoming a bull in a china shop.
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